No 2 (2025)

The relevance of the research is determined by the current state of the global energy market: after 2022, a rapid process of forming new trade and economic ties and diversifying the geography of energy resource supplies began. In these conditions, states and companies are making active efforts to occupy new niches and enhance the quality of their supplied goods portfolio. The object of the study is the vertically integrated oil and gas companies of Russia. Vertical integration in energy sector has been characteristic of the development of Western structures since the first half of the 20th century; however, in Russia, despite the historical emergence of such organizations, this process has taken a different path. The subject of the study is the role of vertically integrated oil and gas companies in Russia's foreign policy as an important element of the country's economy and politics. Promising projects of the largest oil and gas companies are now positioning the country among the global leaders in the fuel and energy sector, enhancing Russia's prestige and generating necessary high revenues from export activities in the context of large-scale sanctions and pressure from the West. The methodological foundation of the research includes general scientific, historical, and other methods used in similar studies: in particular, historical-comparative method, systemic and critical analysis, content analysis, etc. The scientific novelty lies in the comprehensive analysis of the historical experience of forming vertically integrated structures in Russia, identifying the main problems at the turn of the USSR's collapse, and focusing on several key features of the activities of vertically integrated oil and gas companies in the country's foreign policy. The study allows for the following conclusions: firstly, the construction of vertically integrated companies occurred with the support of the state and enabled the free movement of capital in the sector, accelerated technological breakthroughs, and developed lagging areas. Secondly, this affected the entire industry and provided Russia with an effective tool for foreign energy policy – the promising projects of the largest oil and gas companies now position the country among the global leaders in the fuel and energy sector and contribute to enhancing Russia's prestige.

The article analyzes the impact of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in the Caspian region on energy relations between China and Russia. The subject of the study is the transformation of energy relations between China and Russia under the influence of BRI projects in the Caspian region, including infrastructure initiatives (BTK railway, Turkmenistan-China gas pipeline), their role in creating alternative transit routes that bypass Russia. The geoeconomic expansion of China, its impact on the redistribution of the balance of power in Eurasia, competition for control over energy resources and logistics are analyzed. The contradictions between formal cooperation (EAEU, SCO) and hidden rivalry are studied, as well as the consequences for Russia's energy security: the risks of reducing the transit monopoly, weakening positions in Central Asia. Historical parallels between BRI and the Silk Road are considered, emphasizing the strategic continuity of Chinese policy. The methodology includes a historical and comparative analysis of the evolution of the Silk Road, a systematic study of strategic documents (agreements, development programs) and case studies of key projects (2013–2024), such as the Baku–Tbilisi–Kars railway and the Turkmenistan–China gas pipeline. The novelty of the study lies in the synthesis of historical parallels between ancient trade routes and modern infrastructure projects, as well as in the focus on the role of the Caspian region as a hub of energy competition. The results demonstrate that Chinese investments in Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan are forming alternative transit corridors to Russian ones, intensifying competition for influence in Eurasia. This creates risks for Russia's monopoly on energy transport, despite attempts to synchronize interests through the EAEU and the SCO. The scope of application of the results includes forecasting scenarios of Eurasian integration, developing energy diplomacy and analyzing the balance between cooperation and rivalry in the region. The findings highlight the need for a flexible strategy for Russia to maintain its position in Central Asia, including adapting to China’s growing economic presence and finding niches in new supply chains.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) represents a unique platform for Eurasian interaction, focused on synchronizing regional security and economic progress. The central focus of the research is the strategic interaction between China and Russia within the SCO, where each country implements specialized functions based on competitive advantages. Russia, using its historical experience in geopolitical stability, concentrates on counter-terrorism, peacekeeping, and border strengthening. China, leveraging its economic potential, promotes projects in transport infrastructure, digitalization, and energy networks. The role of the SCO's "two-wheel model," which integrates security and economy into a unified management mechanism, is emphasized. Special attention is paid to the transformation of the organization into a tool for reshaping the global order through the lens of the interests of developing countries. The research combines qualitative analysis of SCO documents with a comparative study of the theoretical concepts of Yan Xuetong and A. Dugin. Case study methods and expert interviews are used to verify hypotheses. The study integrates Chinese and Russian theoretical paradigms for the first time to deconstruct the management model of the SCO. It is established that the complementarity of Moscow and Beijing's roles creates an innovative format of "asymmetric synergy," where the combination of power and economic resources minimizes competition and maximizes the organization's functionality. The scientific novelty manifests in the conceptualization of the SCO as a "hybrid institution" that transforms the norms of global governance through a balance of realism (security) and liberalism (development). Practical conclusions emphasize: 1) the effectiveness of the "two-wheel" model for integrating economies at different levels, and 2) the potential of the SCO as a laboratory for a post-Western world order, where national sovereignty and collective goods coexist. It is shown that the institutional flexibility of the SCO allows for the mitigation of contradictions between geopolitics and geo-economics, offering developing countries an algorithm for "soft balancing" against unipolarity.

The subject of the study is Sino-Japanese relations in the context of regional security. In order to ensure the depth of research, it is necessary to study the subject from different angles: 1.Geopolitical Rivalry: To study the geopolitical aspirations of China and Japan in Northeast Asia, including their main goals and strategies in the region. 2. Regional security: Assess the role of China and Japan in shaping regional security, taking into account their participation in international organizations and alliances. 3. Territorial disputes: To analyze the impact of territorial conflicts, such as the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute, on relations between countries and regional security. 4. External factors: To study the impact of external factors, such as U.S. policy, on Sino-Japanese relations in the context of regional security. 5. Historical context: To consider the historical aspects of relations between China and Japan and their impact on modern relations. Scientific novelty of the article: 1. Integrative approach: The article offers an integrative approach to the analysis of Sino-Japanese relations in the context of regional security in Northeast Asia, combining historical, political and economic aspects. This allows for a deeper understanding of the complex dynamics of relations between the two countries and their impact on regional security. 2.Analysis of current trends: The study focuses on current trends in Sino-Japanese relations, including periods of warming and aggravation, which makes it possible to assess the effectiveness of current strategies and predict future scenarios for the development of relations. 3. Influence of external factors: The article examines the influence of external factors, such as US policy, on Sino-Japanese relations, which provides a more complete understanding of regional security dynamics. 4. Strategic aspects: The study highlights the strategic aspects of relations in shaping regional security.

This scientific article is devoted to the study of platforms for learning Chinese as a tool of "soft power" of the People’s Republic of China. The relevance of the study is due to the following factors: first, the development of bilateral political, economic and cultural ties between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China; second, growing interest in learning the Chinese language among citizens of the Russian Federation; third, an increase in the number of relevant platforms for learning the Chinese language available on the territory of the Russian Federation. The object of the sudy is the «soft power» of the People’s Republic of China. The subject of the study are platforms for learning Chinese as a tool of «soft power» of the People’s Republic of China. The aim of the study is to define the role of platforms for learning Chinese as a tool of «soft power» of the People’s Republic of China. This study is based on the theory of neo-liberalism, according to which bilateral relations between states are a «non-zero-sum game» - potentially mutually beneficial cooperation, The key driver of which are economic relations and activities of international institutions. The main conclusions of the study are the definition of a list of key platforms for learning Chinese; the establishment of the role of the People’s Republic of China in the activities of these platforms for learning Chinese on the territory of the Russian Federation; identifying potential for the development of the Chinese language in the Russian Federation among users of these platforms. The scientific novelty of this study is based on the identification of the process of "self-popularization" of the Chinese language in the Russian Federation as an indirect instrument of the PRC’s "soft power".

The subject of the research is the policy of technological containment in international relations of the 21st century, viewed as a set of mechanisms to restrict access to advanced technologies and production capabilities. The object of analysis includes export control, sanction measures, investment barriers, and other forms of technological restrictions employed in the global struggle for strategic advantage. Special attention is given to the policy of the United States towards the People's Republic of China, aimed at isolating China from critical components— including semiconductors, AI technologies, supercomputers, and precision machinery. The author analyzes how the forms and objectives of these mechanisms change in the context of the formation of techno-national blocs, where interdependence yields to fragmented competition. Institutional mechanisms such as CFIUS, the Wassenaar Arrangement, the legal approaches of the EU, and the "clean networks" model are also considered. The work also examines Russian approaches to ensuring technological sovereignty in the face of external pressure. The research methodology is based on an interdisciplinary approach, including comparative political-economic analysis, elements of strategic studies, content analysis of regulatory documents and expert publications, as well as case studies of specific technological containment mechanisms used by the U.S., China, and other countries. The main conclusions of the conducted research are as follows: the policy of technological containment represents not merely a set of restrictive measures, but a systemic strategy for altering the global techno-economic architecture. The author demonstrates that sanctions and export control have acquired a stable institutional character, forming a new form of coercion without the use of force. A significant contribution of the author to the study of the topic is the identification of the logic of transitioning from universalist techno-globalism to a configuration of "techno-sovereignties," within which each state strives for autonomy in the production and control of key technological chains. The novelty of the research lies in the conceptualization of technological containment as a distinct political regime of interaction, combining elements of economic pressure, legal regulation, and international coalition mobilization. The work systematizes international practices of technological restrictions and offers an analytical framework for assessing their consequences for global security and resilience.

The purpose of the article is to determine whether the geopolitical positioning of the European Union (EU) and the discourse of "digital sovereignty" is a rejection of the EU normative project. The object of the study is the regulatory force of the EU. The subject of the study is the digital policy of the EU. The author examines the provisions of Jan Manners' theory of normative force and cites criticism of the theory by other researchers. Special attention is paid to the principles of the EU's regulatory force in digital policy. The legitimacy of the EU's regulatory power through role theory, the geopoliticization of the EU's digital policy and the impact of the geopolitical turn on the EU's regulatory power are also considered. The author studied the concept of "digital sovereignty" in the context of the normative power and compatibility of the geopolitical EU with the previous image. The discourse of the EU's "digital sovereignty" is analyzed as an attempt to activate a new international norm in contrast to the models of Internet regulation in China and the United States. Arguments are given in favor of the view that "digital sovereignty" is a new manifestation of the EU's regulatory power. The paper uses methods of theoretical research, namely: analysis, synthesis, abstraction, generalization, induction, deduction and classification. The novelty of the research lies in the analysis of the regulatory power of the European Union in the context of regulating digital policy and creating new standards for managing the digital sphere. The author's contribution to the research of the topic is to consider the normative power of the EU through the prism of role theory and the manifestation of adaptability to external challenges. The novelty of the study is the analysis of "digital sovereignty" as a manifestation of the EU's regulatory power. The main conclusions of this study are: 1) The new geopolitical course of the EU in digital policy does not mean abandoning the EU regulatory project and changing the paradigm. The principles can take different forms to match the global situation, but the core in the form of European values remains unchanged and is used as a basis for creating regulatory legislation. 2) The use of the discourse of "digital sovereignty" and tougher rhetoric allow the EU to fit into the new geostrategic world and get the opportunity to continue exporting European values and standards. 3) "Digital sovereignty" is a discursive expression of the EU's unwillingness to take one of the extreme positions embodied in the approaches of the United States and China.

The subject of this research is the historical evolution of energy cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in the context of aligning two large-scale integration initiatives — the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The object of the analysis is the foreign policy and geoeconomic dimensions of bilateral and multilateral interaction in the energy sphere, covering the period from the early 1990s to the present. The article examines the transformation of energy dialogue from post-Soviet bilateral contracts to institutionalized formats of cooperation within Eurasian integration. Particular attention is paid to strategic infrastructure projects such as “Power of Siberia,” “Yamal LNG,” and the “Amur Gas Processing Plant,” as well as to the involvement of major corporate actors — Gazprom, CNPC, Rosneft, and Sinopec — in shaping transregional energy links. The research also evaluates the role of the Eurasian Economic Commission, the significance of intergovernmental agreements, and policy planning documents that define the parameters of energy partnership between Russia and China. The methodological framework is based on historical-genetic and comparative-historical methods, complemented by source-based and discourse analysis of official statements, international treaties, and expert assessments from both Russian and Chinese sides. The scientific novelty of this study lies in its complex analysis of energy cooperation as a multidimensional instrument of foreign policy and soft power within the evolving Eurasian order. The article reveals mechanisms through which energy cooperation is becoming institutionalized, while also identifying critical constraints — lack of a unified roadmap, legal and regulatory asymmetries, infrastructure bottlenecks, and political contingencies. The findings have practical significance for policymakers in the field of energy diplomacy and contribute to academic research on regional integration and international relations history.

This article examines the China's specific interests in the South Caucasus region in the context of the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The relevance of the research topic is determined by China's economic presence in the South Caucasus following the advancement of the BRI, as well as an analysis of China's historical behaviors in the region, which allows for insights into the future and the identification of directions for Chinese policy in this area. Particular attention is paid to the comprehensive level of China's interests in the South Caucasus. China's main interests in the South Caucasus include geo-economic, geopolitical, and security aspects. China is deepening differentiated cooperation with the three countries of the South Caucasus: Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the author's analysis of both the regional level and the situation in individual countries from China's perspective, considering recent historical events within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. The methodology of the research is based on a systemic and comparative-historical approach, including the analysis and generalization of historical events between China and the countries of the South Caucasus in the context of the BRI, official programs, and infrastructure projects to identify China's interests in the region. The main conclusions of the research indicate that China is using economic and technological cooperation as a means to strengthen its presence in the South Caucasus, thereby balancing the geopolitical game of major powers in the region; in the foreseeable future, as the BRI interacts, the South Caucasus may become a "strategic crossroads" for China, connecting the Eurasian continent with Africa. At the same time, China is deepening differentiated cooperation with the three countries: cooperation with Azerbaijan should focus on the parallel development of traditional and new energy sources while simultaneously strengthening Azerbaijan's role as a logistics center; cooperation with Armenia should aim at supporting the regional peace process and collaboration in communication technology; cooperation with Georgia should focus on opening doors for the export of Chinese goods to Europe with the help of FTAs, as well as on modernizing the country's infrastructure and strengthening Georgia's role as a corridor to the Black Sea.