No 4 (2025)

The article is devoted to the analysis of humanitarian aid from the People's Republic of China as a tool for creating a positive international image. The author examines the evolution of China's approaches to humanitarian activities over the past two decades, starting with limited participation in the aftermath of natural disasters and ending with an expanded role in armed conflict and global epidemics. The focus is on the key factors determining the specifics of Chinese humanitarian diplomacy: cultural and historical traditions, a state-centric approach and the desire to preserve the principles of non-interference and respect for sovereignty. Special attention is paid to China's cooperation with international organizations and Southeast Asian countries, including during the COVID-19 pandemic, when humanitarian aid was used not only to meet urgent needs, but also to strengthen bilateral ties. Thus, the subject of the study covers the role of humanitarian diplomacy in the modern foreign policy strategy of the People's Republic of China, its impact on the development of soft power and the formation of trust on the part of the world community. The research uses methods of comparative analysis, historical and political approach and case study, which allows us to identify the features of Chinese humanitarian diplomacy and trace its transformation in the international context. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the comprehensive consideration of humanitarian aid from China as a systemic instrument of foreign policy, and not only as a response to crisis situations. The author reveals that, unlike Western practices based on multilateral cooperation and the leading role of NGOs, the Chinese model focuses on government involvement and bilateral aid channels. It is concluded that humanitarian aid has become an important element of China's "soft power" and is closely linked to the "One Belt, One Road" initiative, which allows Beijing to strengthen its political and economic positions in the countries of the Global South. At the same time, challenges remain — limited transparency, a cautious attitude towards non-state actors, and wariness on the part of Western countries. Despite this, China's experience during the COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated its ability to quickly mobilize resources and expand the range of international cooperation, which confirms the increasing importance of humanitarian diplomacy in shaping a positive image of China.

The article is devoted to the analysis of sport as the most important tool for implementing the concept of "soft power" of the Russian Federation in the system of modern international relations. The focus is on the role of sports diplomacy in shaping Russia's positive image on the world stage, as well as the transformation of its functions in the face of sanctions pressure and politicization of sports. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the largest sports projects – the Olympic Games in Sochi (2014) and the FIFA World Cup (2018) – as examples of successful use of sports to strengthen the country's foreign policy prestige. The article examines the current challenges associated with the introduction of the neutral status of Russian athletes, the restriction of the use of national symbols and the growing number of cases of changing sports citizenship, which indicates a profound transformation of the international sports space and a decrease in Russia's ability to realize the potential of "soft power". The research is based on systematic, institutional and comparative analytical approaches, as well as on the case study method used in the analysis of specific international sporting events and political and legal decisions. The scientific novelty of the article lies in a comprehensive assessment of the current state of Russian sports diplomacy through the prism of the concept of "soft power" in conditions of international isolation. It is shown that sport, which previously acted as an effective tool for shaping the national image, was influenced by political factors, which led to an institutional crisis of the Olympic movement and a revision of the principles of neutrality. The article substantiates that the introduction of the neutral status of Russian athletes and restrictions on their participation in competitions have turned into a form of political pressure that violates the foundations of sports equality. It is concluded that, despite external barriers, Russia retains the potential of "soft power" through the development of domestic sports projects, the expansion of international initiatives outside Western institutions (BRICS, "Games of the Future") and the preservation of cultural influence through sports as a symbol of national identity.

The article is dedicated to analyzing the contradictions between regional integration and national interests within the migration policies of West African countries. It focuses on the role of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in regulating migration processes and ensuring the freedom of movement for citizens. Using Nigeria and Ghana as examples, it examines the reasons and forms of divergence between the commitments stemming from the ECOWAS Protocol on Free Movement of Persons and the internal priorities of the member states. The paper highlights the historical, economic, and legal prerequisites of migration policy and identifies key socio-economic factors influencing the extent of its implementation. Particular attention is paid to the impact of national protectionist measures on the effectiveness of the integration process in the West African region. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research relies on the principles of regionalism and neofunctionalism, which allow for examining integration processes as the result of the interaction between national interests and supranational institutions. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the comprehensive examination of ECOWAS migration policy through the lens of the national interests of key countries in the region and in identifying mechanisms that hinder the full implementation of the principle of freedom of movement. The article demonstrates that, despite the existence of a developed regulatory framework and institutional mechanisms of ECOWAS, the member states, primarily Nigeria and Ghana, apply its provisions selectively, based on internal socio-economic and political considerations. The author concludes that these contradictions limit the potential for regional integration, intensify the unevenness of migration flows, and maintain the dependence of regional countries on national regulators. The need to harmonize national legislation with ECOWAS norms and to strengthen the role of supranational institutions for the formation of an effective migration space in West Africa is emphasized.

The subject of the study is the weaponization of migration, specifically focusing on Turkey's policy towards the European Union between 2015 and 2020. The research examines how migration flows were used as a tool for political pressure in the international relations between the EU and Turkey. The author delves into institutional and humanitarian mechanisms of migration management, as well as the role of information campaigns and media discourses in shaping public perception of the crisis. Particular attention is given to the 2016 EU-Turkey agreement and the 2020 Greek-Turkish border crisis, analyzing their impact on the decisions of the European Commission and the European Council regarding quota allocation and external border protection. In a comparative context, the study mentions similar practices of migration pressure by Belarus in 2021 and Morocco towards Spain, highlighting the systemic nature of this phenomenon. The research employs systematic, comparative, and case-oriented approaches, alongside methods of content and event analysis. Empirical data includes statistics from Eurostat, UNHCR, Frontex, official statements, parliamentary reports, and materials from international media. The analysis involves stages such as data collection, thematic coding, interpretation, and comparison of EU political reactions. The scientific novelty of the work lies in identifying the mechanism of how migration flows influence the political decision-making process in the EU. It demonstrates that Ankara's threats to open borders correlated with the acceleration of negotiations on financial support for Turkey and the strengthening of Frontex's mandate. Unlike existing studies focusing on the humanitarian component of the crisis, this research considers migration as a controlled instrument of hybrid pressure. The practical significance of the study is in developing recommendations for European and international institutions to enhance independent migration response mechanisms, reduce dependence on third countries, and improve strategic communication in crisis situations.

Climate change has a profound impact on agricultural systems, creating new challenges for food security and farmers' livelihoods. As developing countries, BRICS play an important role in climate adaptation in agriculture and international cooperation. This article first analyzes the numerous consequences of climate change for agricultural production, including rising temperatures, uneven precipitation, extreme weather events, and socio-economic risks, as well as highlighting the vulnerability of the five countries in terms of water resources, reliance on monsoons, permafrost degradation, deforestation, and drought. Subsequently, practices and paths of agro-climatic adaptation are summarized based on three aspects: the adoption of adaptive technologies by farmers, low-carbon transformation of agriculture, and climate-smart agriculture (CSA). Using literature analysis, comparative analysis, case studies, and policy analysis, a systematic summary and assessment of the current state, challenges, and prospects of BRICS countries' international cooperation in adapting agriculture to climate change are conducted. Research has shown that the adoption of adaptive technologies by farmers can significantly increase their incomes, especially for low-income groups, while low-carbon strategies and CSA provide a pathway for system transformation. The article further discusses the development and challenges of the BRICS agricultural cooperation mechanism and emphasizes the importance of trade coordination and South-South cooperation. Finally, the role of BRICS countries in international cooperation is analyzed, including political commitments, technology transfer, financial support, and food security governance. The study found that by creating transnational knowledge platforms and risk-sharing mechanisms, BRICS countries can play a more significant role in global agro-climatic adaptation. At the same time, in the management of global food security, BRICS countries should continue to act as key exporting nations and promote a more stable and equitable international food trade order. Overall, it is expected that through deepening cooperation and innovative mechanisms, BRICS countries will have a greater impact on agro-climatic adaptation and global governance.

This paper examines the political and legal framework and practices of interaction between China and the South Caucasus states (Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) in the field of renewable energy sources (RES) for the period 2012–2025. Within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, China is actively developing international cooperation, strengthening ties with the countries of the South Caucasus - Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. These countries also face similar challenges in the energy sector, which requires a transition to energy consumption based on the expansion of the use of renewable energy sources. The study examines the evolution of the political and legal frameworks of China and the South Caucasus countries in the renewable energy sector, including national strategies, national legislation, as well as five-year, medium- and long-term plans for energy development, and outlines practical projects for cooperation between China and the countries of the South Caucasus. Systematizing China's documents in the field of renewable energy, the author concludes that within the framework of the renewable energy development policy, the legal framework was gradually improved in accordance with national strategic guidelines, which led to the formation of the "1+N" political structure. On the basis of this framework, action plans aimed at ensuring the implementation of the policy have been consistently implemented. Within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, China's bilateral relations with the countries of the South Caucasus are strengthening, and their cooperation in the field of renewable energy demonstrates a differentiated approach due to the country's national specifics. Cooperation between China and Armenia is aimed at the implementation of representative projects with a technological demonstration effect, in which the success of an individual project becomes an incentive for further cooperation. Cooperation between China and Azerbaijan in the field of renewable energy is characterized by the greatest systematic, based on the implementation of large-scale wind and solar projects, as well as on the localization of the production of electric vehicles. Georgia and China are focused on hydropower projects, while Georgia, using its geographical location in the Trans-Caspian International Transport Corridor, is strengthening cooperation in the field of renewable energy sources.

This article focuses on assessing the impact of the environmental factor on the development of heavy industry sectors in the Russian Federation in the context of the current sustainable development agenda and external economic constraints. It examines the contradictions between the goal of accelerated industrial growth, the need to ensure technological and budgetary sovereignty, and the requirement to reduce anthropogenic impact. The analysis covers manufacturing and mining industries, their contribution to the economy and budget, and the key environmental effects of industrial expansion. It also examines the regulatory framework for environmental policy, the dynamics of environmental and climate protection costs, the role of ESG approaches (sustainable development principles), and innovation. The study reveals systemic relationships between industrial indices, environmental costs, and strategic goals for sustainable development. The study uses structural-dynamic and comparative analysis of official statistics (Rosstat), legal and institutional analysis of environmental policy, and content analysis of scientific sources on ESG and innovation to interpret causal relationships and assess trends. The scientific novelty lies in the comprehensive linking of the dynamics of heavy industry indices with the budgetary dependence on resource revenues and the trajectory of environmental costs, including the climate agenda and R&D. It is shown that the growth of output is accompanied by a faster increase in current environmental protection costs, while the funding for environmental R&D is decreasing, which limits the potential for technological cost reduction. The "sustainability gap" has been identified: the expansion of production without adequate innovation support increases the environmental and fiscal burden on environmental measures. The paper concludes that it is advisable to shift the focus to investments in environmental R&D, the modernization of wastewater treatment facilities and best available technologies, ESG standards and principles, and the alignment of development programs with environmental targets and performance metrics.

This study examines the humanitarian cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Kingdom of Cambodia, focusing on its core dimensions in education, culture, and tourism. It analyzes the formation, evolution, and institutionalization of this collaboration, alongside its impact on strengthening political dialogue and fostering people-to-people ties. The research scrutinizes the implementation mechanisms of educational projects, cultural initiatives, and tourism exchanges, detailing the involvement of both state and private entities. Particular emphasis is placed on how these humanitarian links enhance mutual understanding, cultivate positive perceptions of both nations, and establish a robust foundation for sustained bilateral engagement. Furthermore, the humanitarian sphere is considered as a self-sufficient instrument within the foreign policy arsenals of both countries. Methodologically, the research employs historical-genetic and comparative-analytical approaches, supplemented by institutional analysis. This integrated methodology allows for tracing the development of interaction formats and assessing the role of governmental and societal structures in their implementation. The novelty of this work lies in its holistic approach to Russian-Cambodian humanitarian interaction, treating it as a unified system encompassing educational, cultural, and tourism channels, and possessing its own independent foreign policy utility. It moves beyond a mere systematization of existing cooperation forms to identify their internal developmental patterns, demonstrate the synergistic effects between different humanitarian components, and define their function in consolidating bilateral relations. An additional original contribution is the focus on humanitarian cooperation as a "soft power" asset capable of augmenting political and economic partnership. The study also highlights the significance of synergy among these humanitarian vectors, which amplifies their overall impact, thereby opening prospects for new cooperation horizons responsive to contemporary challenges. The findings conclude that the humanitarian dimension is a cornerstone of stronger Russian-Cambodian relations, contributing to increased mutual trust, expanded public contacts, and a positive image of the partner country. The study determines that the further advancement of this sphere requires enhanced structural support, improved information dissemination, more active engagement of educational and cultural institutions, and the involvement of new actors such as youth associations, tourism operators, and academic communities. Such a broadening of participation is essential for ensuring the long-term stability and effectiveness of humanitarian interaction.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the transformation of Russian-Turkish relations in the South Caucasus in the context of geopolitical changes triggered by the Second Karabakh War of 2020. The subject of the research is the emerging model of interaction between the two regional powers, conceptualized by the author as "managed rivalry" or "coerced normalization." Within this framework, four key dimensions of Russian-Turkish interaction in the region are analyzed: military-political, trade-economic, energy, and informational-ideological. Special attention is paid to the transformation of regional alliances – strengthening the Azerbaijani-Turkish strategic partnership while simultaneously weakening the Russian-Armenian alliance. The mechanisms of deconfliction that allow Russia and Turkey to maintain a constructive dialogue despite the objective mismatch of strategic interests are explored. Furthermore, the prospects for the implementation of transport projects (the Zangezur Corridor, the Middle Corridor) and their impact on the regional balance of power, as well as the competition of ideological narratives – Turkish neo-Ottomanism and the Russian Eurasian project – are discussed. The study employs a comprehensive approach that combines a comparative analysis of the foreign policy strategies of Russia and Turkey, a case study method to examine specific manifestations of rivalry and cooperation, and elements of systemic analysis of regional security. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the conceptualization of a qualitatively new model of Russian-Turkish relations in the South Caucasus – "managed rivalry," which goes beyond traditional theoretical approaches that consider the relations of the two powers either through the lens of confrontation or strategic partnership. This model captures the paradoxical combination of competition and pragmatic cooperation, wherein both sides, recognizing the objective mismatch of interests, build coordination mechanisms to prevent uncontrolled escalation. The author identifies the structural characteristics of this model: the formation of informal delineation of spheres of influence, the institutionalization of dialogue mechanisms at the highest level, the development of parallel economic projects, and the competition of ideological narratives while avoiding direct confrontation. Together, all this represents an original approach to preventing potential conflicts, which have repeatedly occurred throughout history.

The subject of the research is the development of military-technical cooperation between the USA, Japan, and the Philippines from 2022 to 2024. The study examines specific mechanisms and directions of this interaction, including: the intensification of the US-Philippines alliance and the evolution of Japan-Philippines relations in the field of security; the formation and institutionalization of a new trilateral partnership between the USA, Japan, and the Philippines; the consideration of cooperation as an element of a broader strategy to counter China's influence in the Indo-Pacific region; the analysis of the reasons for the rapprochement of the three countries, the key one being the response to the increasing military-political pressure of China in the South China Sea; and the exploration of the shift in the foreign policy course of the Philippines under President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., which is expressed in the departure from the balancing policy of his predecessor Rodrigo Duterte and a decisive return to a close alliance with the USA. The research is based on the following methods: Comparative-historical analysis: Comparing the policies of Philippine President F. Duterte's administration (2016–2022) and the succeeding administration of F. Marcos Jr. regarding relations with China and traditional allies. Systemic approach: Placing trilateral cooperation in the context of a broader regional dynamic, including China's actions in the South China Sea. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the following: A comprehensive analysis of the new trilateral configuration: The work offers a systematic analysis of the formation of the USA-Japan-Philippines partnership as an independent and significant format of regional security, often characterized as a step towards creating a "mini-NATO" in Asia. Identification of synergy between military-technical and economic cooperation: The analysis goes beyond the purely military sphere, demonstrating how infrastructure projects (the "Luzon" economic corridor) and logistics create a sustainable basis for a military-political alliance. The conclusion of this article is the identification of the formation of a strategic triangle. Military-technical cooperation between the USA, Japan, and the Philippines has transformed from a set of bilateral ties into a cohesive trilateral partnership, institutionalized at the highest level (summit in Washington in April 2024) and supported by specific military, economic, and infrastructure initiatives.

The subject of this research is the evolution and contemporary challenges of the Antarctic Treaty System as a unique international legal regime for security and scientific cooperation on the continent. In this article, the author analyzes the historical conditions that led to the formation of the regime, the key compromises of the 1959 Treaty, as well as subsequent crises and their resolutions. The central focus of the work is on two critical events: the crisis at the end of the 1980s related to the issue of resource extraction in Antarctica, resolved by the adoption of the Protocol on Environmental Protection to the Antarctic Treaty in 1991, and the current challenges to the Antarctic regime. The study examines how the initial gaps and flexible formulations of the Antarctic Treaty have created conditions for new threats to its stability in changed international circumstances over the long term. The author employs historical analysis methods such as the comparative method, problem-chronological approach, retrospective method, and systematic analysis. Document analysis methods such as content and event analysis were used. The scientific novelty of this work lies in the comprehensive analysis of the Antarctic Treaty System as a system whose resilience has historically depended not on resolving fundamental contradictions among the participants but on their successful postponement during unique historical windows of opportunity. The author concludes that the Madrid Protocol, which saved the system by introducing an indefinite moratorium on resource extraction, has itself laid the groundwork for a new postponed crisis. In the current context of the erosion of global institutions and the resurgence of power politics, this crisis is taking on a systemic character. The article’s conclusions indicate that new challenges—such as the emergence of the military-political bloc AUKUS, which creates the risk of creeping militarization, and the strategies to establish "de facto sovereignty" by Argentina and Chile—undermine the universalist foundations of the Antarctic Treaty System.

The article analyzes the transformation of Russian-Chinese energy cooperation under unprecedented sanctions pressure from Western countries, which is characterized by the dual containment of the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China. Particular attention is paid to the factors contributing to the deepening of bilateral cooperation: the complementarity of the economies, China's desire to ensure national energy security, and Russia's need to diversify its markets. The object of the study is oil cooperation between Russia and China. The subject of the study is the dynamics of oil trade between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China following the start of Russia's special military operation in Ukraine. The aim of the study is to analyze the main trends in the development of oil cooperation between Russia and China from 2020 to 2025, identify prospects for further interaction between the two countries, as well as risks associated with the imposition of secondary sanctions. The study is based on a combination of historical-dynamic and comparative methods, as well as an analysis of official customs statistics from Russia and China and reports from international energy agencies. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the features of the transformation of Russian-Chinese oil cooperation under conditions of sanctions restrictions, de-dollarization, and the reorientation of trade flows. The main conclusion of the study is that Western sanctions pressure, aimed at isolating and weakening Russia's position on the global energy market, has not achieved its goal. Although Russian oil exports to European countries, previously key importers of Russian raw materials, have declined, since 2022 Russia has been able to redirect its energy flows to China. This has contributed to the strengthening of the strategic partnership between the two countries and the creation of a cooperation structure that allows them to bypass restrictions through the transit of oil via third countries and the use of national currencies for payments. Thus, Russia has become a reliable supplier of oil, which is essential for Chinese industry, while China, in turn, has become a key importer of Russian oil, and has maintained this position over the past two years.

For more than 50 years, the United States has pursued a regime change strategy in Cuba, while Havana's most sensitive issue has been the preservation of sovereignty and international subjectivity. The period following Raúl Castro's assumption of the presidency of Cuba and the beginning of Barack Obama's presidency in Western analytical and media narratives was termed the "Cuban Thaw." In domestic literature, the term "détente" became more commonly used. The American leadership, for the first time, abandoned its basic approach towards Cuba aimed at dismantling the existing political regime. This coincided with a broader period of a reset in relations with a number of countries, including Russia, Iran, China, and several others. However, U.S.-Cuban relations have always been extremely antagonistic due to geopolitical and historical reasons. Even despite the initial positive momentum, subsequent bilateral contacts were limited to the formal restoration of diplomatic relations and the resumption of cooperation within international organizations, primarily of a regional nature. The paper examines the state of bilateral relations during Raúl Castro's presidency and attempts to forecast their future development. It focuses on the specifics of foreign policy decision-making shaped in both countries. The emphasis is placed on the role of the Cuban diaspora as one of the decisive factors that determined the contradictions in the process of normalizing bilateral relations. The conducted research confirms the hypothesis that the return to anti-Cuban rhetoric under President Trump was a consequence of the specific nature of foreign policy decision-making. The Cuban diaspora, long shaped by dissident immigrants, played a significant role in this context. This contributed to its initially high degree of political engagement compared to other ethnic diasporas. The specificity of foreign policy decision-making in the U.S. is reflected in Congress's efforts to enhance its influence over foreign policy. This effectively led to the creation of certain mechanisms that hindered the normalization of relations with Havana. On the other hand, among the Cuban political elite, there are also significant fears that the benefits of lifting a number of sanctions will not outweigh the risks associated with possible negative consequences from potential pressure from the U.S. on various political and ideological issues.

This research examines the evolution and current state of the national emergency management system in the People's Republic of China. It focuses on regulatory frameworks, the institutional structure, and key reforms in emergency management in China, focusing on the 21st century. The author examines in detail aspects of the topic, including the historical stages of the emergency management system's development, an analysis of regulatory documents, and the institutional architecture of the bodies responsible for emergency prevention and response. Particular attention is given to a comprehensive analysis of the large-scale reform of 2018, which resulted in the establishment of the Ministry of Emergency Management of the People's Republic of China, as well as to identifying the unique national characteristics of the Chinese model, which combines elements of international experience and domestic developments. The research utilizes a combination of methods, including institutional and historical analysis, document analysis, and comparative analysis to compare the Chinese emergency management system with its international counterparts. The research's novelty lies in its comprehensive conceptualization of China's emergency management system as a dynamic model that has evolved from extreme dispersion of functions across agencies to centralization within a single ministry. The paper systematizes three key stages in the system's evolution and identifies four unique governance mechanisms characteristic of Chinese practice. The study's main conclusion is that the modern Chinese emergency management system, integrating the best features of Western (integrated management) and Russian (separate ministry) approaches, has demonstrated high effectiveness, as evidenced by its successful crisis management during the COVID-19 pandemic. It is also demonstrated that, despite these achievements, the system continues to actively develop, focusing on digitalization and technological modernization of all processes to address new challenges.