Vol 6, No 6 (2023)

the article is devoted to the plot of the intellectual life of Russia at the end of the XIX century, when the Russian intelligentsia "got over" Marxism. The aim of the study is to determine the positions of the disputing parties on the fate of the most numerous class of Russia at the end of the XIX century – the peasantry. A special interest in this problem arises due to the fact that all those participating in the discussion at that time can be considered Marxists, since they used the theory of Karl Marx as their method of studying contemporary Russian reality, and, consequently, recognized the inevitability of Russia passing through the stage of capitalist development. According to the theory of K. During the development of capitalism, the peasantry had to become landless, go bankrupt, and suffer new sufferings. The disputants' belonging to a single community of the Russian intelligentsia, which was distinguished by "people-godliness", "a sense of guilt before the oppressed people", a desire to alleviate their suffering, created a moral conflict. How this moral conflict was resolved by the representatives of the opponents in the discussion of the end of the XIX century is the subject of this article. As a result of the conducted research, the author shows that the populist economists believed that Russia should not repeat the Western path of the development of capitalism, proposed the combination of artel (cooperative) and state ownership in industry, and agriculture – the preservation of small–scale farming and communities, hoped for the reasonableness of the state, in which they saw a supra-class, organizing force. As a result, the dispossession of the peasantry would be prevented, and the development of capitalism in Russia would be more painless. From the height of today's experience of human development, this path does not look quite utopian. The "legal" Marxists considered the plight of the peasantry during the development of capitalism in Russia inevitable, but believed that in the end the whole society would benefit from it. They did not rely on a reasonable role of the state. The position of the revolutionary Marxists can be indicated by the Gorky motto: "Let the storm break stronger!" They proceeded from the fact that the peasant is a petty bourgeois, a class alien to the progressive class - the proletariat, therefore, the sooner he goes bankrupt and dies, the better for historical progress.

the article discusses the role and significance of the Russian historian D.I. Ilovaisky in Soviet historiography. The perception and evaluation of the historian's work by representatives of Soviet historical science are studied. It was revealed that the textbooks of D.I. Ilovaisky, which, according to the majority of Soviet authors, were distinguished by their lack of history, unoriginality and illogicality. An ambiguous perception of D.I. Ilovaisky in the historiography of the Stalin era. It was revealed that, according to historians of the 1950s–1980s, D.I. Ilovaisky covered in detail the history of the Lithuanian-Russian state in comparison with his predecessors. It is concluded that in the last decades of the existence of the USSR, Ilovaisky was compared with Platonov, and by 1972 the author's line of comparison shifted from aggressive to softer and more positive.

the article analyzes the experience of the Conservative Party of Great Britain in the late XIX - early XX centuries in developing a position on the colonial issue as part of the ideological doctrine. The author emphasizes that, despite the fact that the formation of the Conservative Party of Great Britain as a "party of empire" began under B. Disraeli, most of the English society continued to perceive it as a "party of property, a party of empire and a party of the church", which is due to the fact that the conservatives equated the interests of the British nation to the concept of "empire", and the protection of the "empire" was associated with the role of their party. The author notes that positioning themselves as the "party of empire" brought a number of certain problems to the Conservatives: the decline in the military, economic and imperial status of the country; the growth of budget expenditures to ensure the defense of the empire and the development of new territories; the growing tendency to independent self-government on the part of the majority of colonies. In this regard, this study focuses on analyzing the factors that contributed to the changes in the party's positioning of itself as the "party of empire". The author concludes that imperial issues occupied a significant place in the intra-party and inter-party discussions of the Conservative Party in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, so that "empire" became one of the main concepts in the identity of the Conservatives. And even despite a number of failures of A. Balfour's government in the Anglo-Boer War, the controversial ideas of the tariff campaign, the Tories continued to maintain their commitment to the previously chosen line as the "party of empire".

the article is devoted to the analysis of the construction of the image of the state in modern domestic cinema on the example of events related to the Chernobyl accident. In the article, the following research tasks are set: selection of the source base (two of the most popular domestic films of the late Soviet era and modernity), development of tools for its analysis, comparative characterization and reconstruction of the image of state power on the selected material. The results of the work done can be summarized in a number of conclusions. Both films show the imperfection of the Soviet regime and the management system, the problems that arise are solved by the people themselves "on the ground", without direct intervention from the center. In a single key, the unhappy Soviet people and the callousness of the totalitarian system are shown. It is important to note the existing differences, the film "Disintegration" (filmed in 1990) shows the theme of totalitarianism, more clearly and consistently, unlike the film "Chernobyl" (filmed in 2021), in which the population is not aware of the ongoing catastrophe at all, society is authorized and lives outside state control. The main conclusion of the work is a comparison of the idea of coexistence of the state and society. The idea of the film "Disintegration" lay in showing the imperfections of the real Soviet system, and not only political, but also interpersonal relations connected with it, "disintegration" meant not only the expectation of the imminent collapse of the USSR, but also the collapse of all spheres of life of Soviet society. The image of the state in the film "Chernobyl" is based on criticism of certain shortcomings of the political system, the work of specific incompetent officials, the Soviet society itself and the USSR as a model of the state does not look doomed.

the article is devoted to the problems of the practical task of liquidating large kulak farms and the social category of the kulaks in the first half of the 1930s. The reasons for the impossibility of using the current justice system in the courts of general jurisdiction in the process of dispossession are revealed. The regulatory foundations of the policy of dispossession are analyzed. The content of repressive measures against the kulaks is considered. According to the authors, the procedure for carrying out collectivization and dispossession, established illegally by the Soviet leadership, was strengthened by the arbitrariness of the organizers of the collective farm movement and the corresponding commissions. Everywhere, collective farms were organized not on the initiative of the peasants themselves, but by special commissions that came from the region, with the goal of not letting the leadership down and ensuring that the percentage of collectivization and dispossession of peasant farms prescribed by it was exceeded. It was established that the decision to recognize a specific peasant farm as kulak and the subsequent confiscation of its property was made not by a people’s court, but by an emergency public body created for the period of dispossession, the public component of which was a meeting of collective farmers, which performed the functions of investigative bodies. The conclusion is formulated that the absence in Soviet legislation of clear criteria for classifying peasant farms as kulak farms was one of the main reasons for unfair decisions made on the basis of subjective assessments.

the article discusses the main trends in the study of intra-civilizational and intercivilizational interaction in Russian historiography. The author, drawing on a wide historiographical material, identifies a number of key areas that allow determining the evolution of the civilizational approach in historical science. The relevance of the research is due to the development of new educational programs that affect the concepts of the civilizational approach. Within the framework of public discussion, special attention is paid to the consideration of the civilizational concept, at the same time, paying key attention to the founders of this methodological direction: N.Y. Danilevsky, A. J. Toynbee, but without affecting the achievements of modern Russian historical science. Considering the complex of existing works, the author comes to the conclusion that all modern authors creatively combine into a single whole all the main stages of Russian civilization: from pre-revolutionary to modern. At the same time, even the Soviet period of national history, despite all its socio-ideological specifics, is included by most authors in the general civilizational tradition of Russia. At the same time, it is worth noting that these provisions on the absence of contradictions between the Soviet and pre-Soviet periods in the history of our country became the basis for the formation of the concept of transformations of Russia over a long historical path.

a comparative analysis of the Afghan wars of the USSR and the USA allows us to identify a number of strategic miscalculations inherent in both the Soviet and American military-political strategies that determined their actions during the long wars in Afghanistan. The article is devoted to the analysis of the key problem that determined the unsuccessful outcome of the military missions of the USSR and the USA in Afghanistan – This is clearly the insufficiency of the forces and means deployed by the superpowers - and the previously insignificant number of troops, which did not allow either side to realize the ambitious goals of implementing their policies on Afghan soil and led to a protracted and futile war. This factor is clearly reflected in the name of the Soviet group in Afghanistan – “limited contingent”, which quite accurately characterizes the volume of forces of the United States and its allies in this country. The authors focus on the reasons that led to the use of only “limited contingents” by the superpowers in Afghanistan: from the global nature of the interests of the USSR and the USA and, accordingly, their distraction to a number of conflicts around the world (and, as a consequence of the forces) to the complex internal processes that made mobilization and deployment of mass armies is impossible.

this article analyzes the policy of the Soviet Union and China during the civil war in Angola. The article describes the history of the civil war in Angola. During the war, the Soviet Union supported the MPLA, and Chinese policy changed several times, from initially supporting the FNLA to remaining neutral at the end. At first glance, the civil war in Angola was a struggle between three factions within the country, but in reality it was a confrontation between two camps led by the US and the Soviet Union. It was against the backdrop of tensions between the Soviet Union and China that various aspects of their policy towards the civil war in Angola emerged. Due to different foreign policies, each country provided different assistance policies to the forces involved in the civil war. But the final conclusion is that there is no final winner in civil wars and the world trend is peaceful development.

the Peasant War led by Emelyan Pugachev has become the object of research since the epoch of Alexander Pushkin. Chronological, social, ethnic, geographical, economic and political issues of the War were carefully considered by the scholars. However, the military aspect of the problem is studied to a lesser extent. The successes of Pugachev's troops were often seen through the prism of social and economic processes. Military history covered the Peasant War rather superficially, emphasizing the genius of Suvorov or the destruction of the socio-economic base of the rebels. However, the use of different types of troops and arms of the service by both sides was very versatile and evaluated ambiguously. The line troops of the regular army proved to be ineffective in the mobile maneuver warfare imposed by Pugachev. The Light field detachments appeared to be the most successful ones. These were specific formations created from several branches of the armed forces and designed for mobile protection and defense of the vast Russian borders. The article argues that the Light field detachments were significantly ahead of their time in terms of military art. Their role in the struggle of the empire against the Pugachev uprising is analyzed. Moreover, the critical view of their effectiveness, features and perspectives that has previously formed in the historiography is revised. The defining role of the Light field detachments in the defense of Yekaterinburg, as well as in the defeat of the uprising in general is argued on the example of the 12th Light Field Detachment against the troops of E.Pugachev. Basing on the combat work of the unit of Prime Major F.T.Zholobov, the negative conclusions on the effectiveness of light field detachments, which led to the disbandment of these innovative formations, are critically reconsidered. The Detachment of Zholobov along with Gagrin’s and Fischer's detachments became one of the factors that forced the rebels to lift the siege of Yekaterinburg and withdraw the main forces from the region. In addition, the results of the present study permit to draw conclusions concerning the flexibility of military science and the sluggishness of the military-administrative apparatus in the epoch of Catherine II.

the article reveals the main positions of the regional leaders of the republics, territories and regions of Siberia in relation to the development of academic science, the ways and conditions of the influence of the scientific elite on the political decision-making process. The procedure for adjusting the socio-economic policy, substantiating the issues of the allocation of productive forces is determined. Examples of contradictions between regional and departmental interests in the field of creation and development of the institution of academic science are given. The practices of participation of representatives of the scientific elite in the development of long-term regional development plans, forms of expression of support for proposals for the creation of social infrastructure institutions are identified. It is concluded that academic science acquired the status of an expert authority during the late Stalinism, in alliance with regional leaders, contributing to solving the problems of the development of republics, territories and regions of Siberia.

the term "smart power" policy has become very popular in the modern world. This policy combines military and economic coercion with the policy of "soft power". This article uses the example of Aden and the Aden Protectorates to reveal the peculiarities of the use of soft and hard power methods by the British Empire in its colonial policy in South Arabia. The interest to Aden is conditioned by the fact that the British Empire needed only a naval base and a transit port in this region, so the military presence in the region was minimal and the local colonial administration had to rely on economic, diplomatic, social policy instruments. The civil authorities of the colony sought to turn Aden into a regional economic centre and created attractive conditions for trade and transit of goods in the port of Aden. The opening of schools, medical centres, and control over the sanitary condition of Aden ensured the loyalty of the local population to the British authorities. The article supports the existing view that it was the combination of hard and soft power elements that allowed the British Empire to maintain control over Aden and South Arabia from the mid-nineteenth century to the second half of the twentieth century with minimal force. The article may be of interest to students of history and political economy.

the scientific article examines the activities and development of cultural institutions in the Tuva ASSR. Cultural institutions played an important role in the development of the socialist culture of the multinational Soviet people and folk art, cultural and educational, socio-political activities of the people, the state, in the education of Tuvan Arats. Based on the analysis of archival documents and periodicals, the activities of club institutions in the settlements of the Tuva ASSR are analyzed, in particular, data on their number, varieties are provided, the problems faced by cultural institutions are considered. When writing the article, such research methods as comparative-historical, systemic, interdisciplinary were used. The source base of the work was documents from the funds of the National Archive of the Republic of Tyva (ON RT), as well as scientific works on Soviet cultural policy.

the article attempts to reconstruct the internal structure of the Bashkir ethnos of the Middle Ages. A comparative analysis of written and oral sources, sources of different origin, sources of different chronological periods is carried out. According to Arabic, Mongolian, Western European and Russian sources, as well as Bashkir historical legends, two groups of Bashkirs are distinguished. The division of the Bashkirs into western and eastern groups is associated with their residence in different regions and contacts with other peoples. Arab authors of the 10th century report about two groups of Bashkirs, one of which went to the Black Sea with the Pechenegs, the other remained in the Southern Urals in the neighborhood of the Guzes and the Volga Bulgars. The Bashkirs who went to the west mixed with the Hungarians, while the Bashkirs who remained in the east themselves split into two groups. Both groups of the population of the Southern Urals are described by the Arab author of the 12th century al-Idrisi, the Mongol chronicles of the 13th and 17th centuries, and the Russian chronicles. In Western European sources these groups are described separately. The western group is described by Julian and Plano Carpini in the 13th century, the eastern group by Rubruck in the 13th century and by Ioganka in the 14th century. The western (internal) Bashkirs were in close contact with the Volga Bulgars, while the eastern (outer) Bashkirs were mainly in contact with the nomadic peoples of the steppe belt of the Volga-Ural region – the Pechenegs, Guzes, and Kipchaks. The Mongols bypassed the Eastern Bashkirs, who retreated to the mountains of the Southern Urals and preserved their military and economic potential in the conditions of impregnable terrain, but caused the greatest destruction to the Western Bashkirs, who found themselves in the way of the conquerors. Voluntary accession to Russia contributed to the further consolidation of the Bashkirs.

the entry of the majority (even if not all) of the peoples of the Caucasus (as well as the region as a whole) into Russia should not be considered as a one-time act or a series of acts, but as a process, and quite a long one (at least two and a half centuries). Its most likely beginning is Russia's access to the Caspian Sea basin after mastering the Volga trade route along its entire length. With the liquidation of the remnants of the Golden Horde in Astrakhan and access to the Caspian Sea, Russia's long-standing historical ties with the Caucasus, including Dagestan, were resumed. It was at this time that the first contacts of the population of the North Caucasus with Russian people were established, which were never interrupted later.

the article is devoted to the consideration of preferential programs for immigrants of the first quarter of the XX century, as well as comparative characteristics of conditions for migrants of various categories. The aim of the work was to identify some features of benefits in conditions of large-scale resettlement of the population for citizens of various strata of society, which, according to the authors, are conditioned by the value of certain professions. The objectives of this study are: to determine the role of migration policy and its importance in the development of the state and remote from the central part of its territories, to consider the types of preferential programs for immigrants, to characterize the assistance and benefits of the first quarter of the XX century. The methods of this research are: historicism, analysis, synthesis, logic, induction, deduction, comparative analytics, historical-systemic, statistical, historical-genetic, retrospective, historical-legal, formal-legal. The scientific novelty of this study is that it attempts to consider the migration policy of the state in the first quarter of the XX century from the point of view of preferential programs and support for immigrants from various strata of society. The practical significance of the research lies in the possibility of using the material in practical and lecture classes on the history of Russia.