Vol 7, No 5 (2024)

this article analyzes the Third Fitna (747-750), the civil war in the Arab Caliphate, which led to the fall of the Umayyad dynasty and the rise to power of the Abbasids, based on domestic and foreign sources. The conflict began with an uprising in Khorasan led by Abu Muslim, which caused the battle on the Bolshoy Zab River, where the Umayyads were defeated. The Abbasids, having consolidated their power, carried out reforms, equalizing the rights of Muslims of different peoples and weakening the role of the Arab tribal aristocracy, which contributed to the strengthening of the Iranian element in the administration of the caliphate. The most important consequence of the coup was the transformation of the caliphate from an Arab state into a multi-ethnic Islamic empire, where religious affiliation became more important than ethnicity. The Abbasids also adopted elements of government from the Sassanids, which contributed to stability and stability.

American foreign policy was shaped by specific groups that influenced its development. Ethnic interest groups are the oldest and perhaps most powerful lobbies in American politics. The conducted research is aimed at studying ethnic interest groups and their influence on the foreign policy of the United States of America. Using the example of the Armenian diaspora in the United States, the authors of the article examine the issue of the influence of diaspora groups on political processes in the country and beyond. This study examines how and why ethnic groups of Armenian descent influence U.S. politics. The essence of the discussion: the specifics and features of Armenian lobbying institutions in the United States, the main goals and lobbying programs that are used to carry out lobbying activities, as well as ways to influence US foreign policy.

during the Korean War, India, out of the needs of the domestic and international situation, continued to carry out the policy of non-alignment, utilized its neutral position in the international arena and its status as a newly independent nation-state after the Second World War, and actively used its diplomatic good offices with China and the United States as well as with the two major blocs represented behind it, striving to prevent further escalation and expansion of the war, and adopted a relatively objective and impartial stance on many of the issues that the United States had targeted at China. The United States took a more objective and impartial stand on many issues against China. At the beginning of the war, India actively called for peace talks between the two sides, and the Indian government became an important channel for the Chinese government to transmit information to the outside world. During the peace talks, when the handling of prisoners of war reached a deadlock, India won the support of most countries and put forward a compromise that was acceptable to both sides. After the end of the war, when faced with the thorny issue of POW repatriation, India, as an important member of the Neutral Nations POW Repatriation Commission, strictly adhered to the role of neutrality and patiently dealt with the complex issues involved to maximize the satisfaction of the Chinese and American sides. India made a significant contribution to preventing the escalation of the Korean War and facilitating the eventual armistice in the Korean War, and won the recognition and trust of the Chinese side.

the article analyzes assessments of the reasons for the beginning of the Korean resettlement to the Far East of the Russian Empire, presented in the works of pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern domestic researchers. Based on pre-revolutionary works, the main internal factors that provoked the flight of Korean subjects to the South Ussuri region are formulated. The main emphasis is placed on considering the views of A.I. Petrov on the influence of the Senate decree of April 27, 1861 on the beginning of Korean migration, as well as the reasons he highlighted why Koreans did not move to Russian territory before the approval of this act. The purpose of the article is to consider Russian sovereignty over the South Ussuri region as a prerequisite for the beginning of migration from Korea to Russia. Among the tasks is the analysis of the external and internal prerequisites for the emergence of the phenomenon presented in domestic historiography. The author came to the conclusion that the main reason for the refusal of Korean peasants to move to the Posyetsky area before 1860 was not the lack of benefits for settlers, but the high risks of oppression from the Manchu administration and criminals. Taking this into account, it was concluded that the transition of its territory under the jurisdiction of Russia had a significant influence on the decision of Korean citizens to move to the South Ussuri region.

at the moment, despite a sufficient number of works on the history of the October Socialist Revolution in Voronezh, there are certain gaps in the chronology of revolutionary events, a number of inaccuracies, and inappropriate attention is paid to the Voronezh Provisional Military Revolutionary Committee (VRK), which played a key role in those events. Based on the existing historiography, archival sources, memoirs and collections of documents, using chronological, microhistoric methods, as well as the method of synchronization, the article analyzes the activities of the Military Revolutionary Committee of Voronezh in the framework of the revolutionary events of October 1917. The origins of this organization, the main stages of creation, the main points of preparation and the course of the uprising are investigated. There is opposition from the opposition to the Bolsheviks and the left Socialist-Revolutionaries of the parties, the authorities of the provisional government. The effectiveness of the Revkom is evaluated. The main conclusions of the study are the recognition of the success of the uprising, thanks to the composition of the VRC from a limited circle of verified persons from among the Bolsheviks and left srs, who concentrated extremely broad powers in their hands, which ensured flexibility and speed of decision-making. As well as attracting to their side an overwhelming armed force in the person of soldiers of the garrison and workers of Combat squads. Thus, this article contributes to the expansion of knowledge about the course of the October Revolution in the field, allows us to identify differences between the Revolutionary Committees of different provinces.

the article examines the essence of such a historical phenomenon as "empire" from the standpoint of geopolitics, history, historiography and philosophy, examines the role and place of the concept of the imperial state in relation to universal and national history, and concludes about the imperial character of the Russian state. The issue of interpretation of the term "empire" is also raised. The authors synthesized both geopolitical and historical approaches to understanding the essence of the imperial state. Despite certain similarities in the position of these two sciences, it must be recognized that a full understanding of the issue requires consideration of different epochs, historical and geographical conditions, which was done in this work. The modification and perception of the empire-state in historical retrospect is analyzed. Based on the analyzed provisions, the authors put forward a typology of imperial states applicable to the world historical process. Special emphasis is placed on the perception of the concept of empire in Russian historical science. An interesting conclusion was the fact that the imperial model of the Russian state manifested itself long before the formal proclamation of Russia as an empire. Thus, the purpose of the work is to analyze the main provisions on the basis of which the name of Russian statehood is traditionally considered legitimate – imperial statehood. The following tasks directly follow from this: 1. To understand the concept of "Empire"; 2. To consider briefly the concept of "Empire" in the global historical context; 3. To consider the concept of "Empire" in the context of Russian history through the prism of current Russian historiography and works of geopolitical thought.

the article analyzes the cause-and-effect relationships that determined the emergence and results of the Crimean War of 1853-1856, which became a landmark event that determined the subsequent vector of historical development of the Russian Empire and, naturally, is one of the classic and key topics of the school curriculum, dictating special attention of the teacher in the conditions the steady tightening of knowledge requirements for high school students on the Basic State Examination and the Unified State Examination. The author proposes the necessary amount of relevant historical material, which will allow the modern teacher to reveal in the lesson a complex set of cause-and-effect relationships that determined the beginning, course and consequences of the Crimean War, replacing the descriptive-narrative approach due to dependence on the limited material of the educational paragraph with a creative search at the level of historical analysis , allowing students to develop an understanding of the deep content of socio-political processes, without hiding the reasons for the defeat of the Russian Empire in this conflict and focusing on the historical lessons they provided, and thereby contributing to the formation of an active patriotic position of students based on critical thinking.

the purpose of the article is to review the process of adopting the project of the Russian Archaeological Institute (RAIC) in the State Council of the Russian Empire. The key objective of this study was to clarify the circumstances that directly influenced the approval of the institute's project in the period from 1889 to 1894. To solve this problem, a corpus of published archival data is used, and a number of memoir documents are integrated. During the analysis of data from the diaries of the Secretary of State A. A. Polovtsov has the opportunity to assess the impact of contradictions within the Russian government, which directly influenced the subsequent course of consideration of the adoption of the draft RAIC. Thus, the conflict between T.I. Filippov and A.A. Polovtsov directly affects the conditions of their interaction in State Council, which could be reflected in the refusal to finance the archaeological institute in Constantinople in November 1890, as well as in the spring of 1892. We also have the opportunity to observe confirmation of this when reviewing subsequent circumstances characterized by a certain change in the balance of power in the state apparatus associated with the appointment of S.Yu. Witte to the post of Minister of Finance instead of I.A. Vyshnegradsky and the resignation of A.A. Polovtsov from the post of Secretary of State in 1892. The subsequent process of adoption of the institute's project in the State Council should be considered in the context of close cooperation between T.I. Filippov and S.Yu. Witte, which had a key influence on the implementation of the project of opening the Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople. The circumstances of a direct conflict of interests within the State Council of the Russian Empire revealed in the course of this study make it possible to significantly expand the understanding of the process of establishing the Russian Archaeological Institute in Constantinople, considering it as part of the political history of Russia at the end of the XIX century. This has practical benefits in the course of a comprehensive study of the history of the institute and also in the study of political processes within the State Council of the Russian Empire.

Soviet secondary specialized educational institutions of the 1930s-1950s have their own history of study. In the works of the 2000s-2020s, the tendency to comprehend the topic in the context of general changes in the country, understanding secondary specialized education as an important instrument of state policy, was developed, and analytical and systematic approaches were strengthened. The above-mentioned qualities are also inherent in the best works on the history of individual educational institutions. At the same time, in general, the histories of educational institutions, the very subject of which implies an appeal to micro-history, suffer from weak susceptibility to methodological innovations, primarily the anthropological turn, which places the “historical man” at the center of research. Anthropologization is impossible outside the micro-historical approach, within which the subject is considered both from the inside and from the outside. Firstly, attention is required to the internal work of the educational institution (as a set of practices), above all, the educational process (including at the level of personal stories). Secondly, it is necessary to study the population of the region from which the educational institution received applicants and for which it trained specialists. Thirdly, it is necessary to have a clear idea of the entire set of connections and relationships of the educational institution with local and regional (Soviet and party), central authorities, enterprises, organizations, institutions. Along with the anthropological problems themselves, the above-mentioned requirements contribute to the inclusion of the subject of micro-historical research in "macro-history", not only social (related to the topic of the intelligentsia), but also political (understanding politics as a result of the interaction of various actors). In the second and third cases, the micro-study should be supplemented by the introduction of elements of the macrohistorical context, primarily in terms of general assessments of a socio-political and cultural nature in relation to the region and the country as a whole.

the article is devoted to the study of the policy of protectionism and the institution of atelia in the speeches of the Athenian orator Demosthenes, who was one of the most influential politicians of the 4th century BC. It is important to consider the political context of Demosthenes' speeches, as this was reflected in his speeches. Demosthenes' protectionist policies were seen as a means of protecting the internal economy of Athens, especially in the face of increasing external pressure from Macedonia. The article examines how Demosthenes used protectionist measures to protect the economic interests of Athens, emphasizing the need to protect local artisans and merchants from foreign competition, as well as strengthening the Athenian fleet and control of trade routes. In his speeches, Demosthenes advocated limiting the access of foreign goods to the Athenian market and strengthening control over strategic trade routes, which, in his opinion, should strengthen the economic independence of the policy and protect the interests of local producers. The author analyzes the role of atelias as an economic and diplomatic tool, which Demosthenes proposed to use to attract allies and strengthen trade ties. Particular attention is paid to Demosthenes' criticism of the abuses of this institution and his calls for strict control over the provision of atelias. The article emphasizes the significance of these measures in Demosthenes' political strategy, aimed at maintaining the economic and political independence of Athens in conditions of external pressure and internal instability.

the article is devoted to the analysis of the transformation of Marxist-Leninist ideology in post-Soviet Russia. Based on a comparison of the program guidelines of the Communist Party and the basic provisions of Soviet Marxism-Leninism, the author identifies elements of continuity and innovations in the strategy of the leading opposition party in modern Russia. Special attention is paid to the socio-political context that necessitated the rethinking and adaptation of the communist doctrine after the collapse of the USSR. The author concludes that the Communist Party, while remaining faithful to the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism, seeks to creatively develop it in relation to the realities of the XXI century. The article traces the trajectory of the ideological evolution of the party, analyzes the causes and nature of ideological innovations.

the article examines such an aspect of propaganda during the Great Patriotic War as an appeal to the problem of food and alcohol. In conditions of acute food shortages at the front, and even more so in the occupied territories, the exploitation of this theme became one of the cornerstones of both German and Soviet propaganda. The first part of the article examines German and collaborationist propaganda, which actively used the method of "bribery" with food and alcohol. The authors conclude that the enemy's agitation was based on the ideas of German exclusivity and the "primitiveness" of Russians, whose needs are mainly reduced to food, smoking and alcohol. Unsupported by real actions, the German propaganda of a "well-fed life" did not have significant success among Soviet citizens. The second part of the article analyzes Soviet propaganda and concludes that it is well thought out and ideologically verified. In addition to material issues, in particular the issue of nutrition, it also touched on the spiritual and moral sphere, appealing to the patriotic feelings of citizens and the ideological attitudes of the Soviet government. The article introduces unique archival documents into scientific circulation.

the purpose of the article is to review the activities of the Soviet military, managers and designers of the 1920s – 1930s, in the development and production of a new firearm – a large-caliber machine gun. In the USSR, great attention was paid to the maximum unification of weapons in order to reduce the cost of production and simplify operation, which made large-caliber machine guns attractive as potential weapons for tanks and armored vehicles, equipping air defense units. In order to achieve the objectivity of the study, the author also analyzes the development of large-caliber machine guns abroad, where the different level of demands of military and civilian managers, the qualitative and quantitative development of industry, the originality of thinking of design personnel led to different results. If in the USA, the British Empire and the French Republic they followed the path of scaling the designs of rifle-caliber machine guns, often reducing the requirements for muzzle energy and combat rate of fire, then in the USSR they went a longer way of developing an original design. When writing the article, the author refers to a wide range of sources, including reports, speeches, transcripts of meetings of management structures of the 1920s - 1930s, publications of the 1930s, modern domestic and foreign literature, publications of the Higher Attestation Commission and the Russian Science Citation Index.

the purpose of the article is to analyze China's colonial policy towards Xinjiang within the framework of the policy of «self-strengthening» of the Qing Empire. The reasons why Xinjiang became the object of attention of the Chinese government and the accompanying historical events that led to its annexation are considered. The authors focus on the process of restoring the Qing court's control over the territory after the rebellion of Mohammed Yakub beg, which posed a serious threat to the integrity of the empire. An important role in the policy of «accession» was played by the most important government officials and military leaders of the country – Li Hongzhang and Zuo Zongtang. The authors of the article focus on their influence on the process of transformation of the region and the strengthening of central government, which created the conditions for the successful suppression of the uprising. The views of these dignitaries and military leaders directly influenced the methods used by the Manchurian government, which combined attempts at a peaceful settlement with direct clashes and attempts to establish military control in the territory of the rebellious province. Special attention is also paid to the activities of General Zuo Zongtang, who provided decisive assistance in the annexation of Xinjiang to the empire. For a comparative analysis of China's foreign policy approach in this period, China's interaction with the British and Russian Empires is being studied. To sum up, the conclusion is made about the results of the policy of «self-reinforcement». Using the example of Xinjiang, attention is focused on creating conditions for strengthening the country's position in strategically important regions. The article presents a comprehensive analysis of the historical process of establishing control in the territory of the «Muslim» region, carried out within the framework of the policy of the Qing government.

the article presents an analysis of the state of the preserved women's traditional jewelry of Bashkir women of Argayash and Kunashak districts of the Chelyabinsk region, identified as a result of an ethnographic expedition carried out in 2022. During the trip, private collections, museum funds, as well as the existence of costumes in the folk environment were studied. The Bashkir women of this region are characterized by the type of yaga breastplate.